Imamoglu, a new leader from the prison/ Is Erdogan a greeting?

Türkiye's authoritarian leader Recep Tayyip Erdogan is now fighting for his political survival - and this crisis is fully constructed. In the early hours of March 5, Erdogan ordered the invasion of Akram Imam Qala, the beloved mayor of Istanbul and his political rival. About 5 police force participated in the operation. Imamoglu, who was referred to as a potential presidential candidate, was arrested and accused of baseless charges such as corruption and terrorism. Despite the ban on public gatherings, the arrest has flareed Türkiye's biggest anti -government protests in more than a decade, which has expanded to the majority of the country's provinces. In some parts of Istanbul, the population of the protesters reached more than one million - many of them were young. These are part of the Farah Afar's note translated into two parts, the first part.
 

Erdogan's iron fist and a threat called Imamoglu
Although Imamoglu is a unique and dangerous competitor with his charismatic personality and successful record, Erdogan's decision to arrest him was not the cause of the crisis, but a sign of his growing weakness. The increasing fatigue of Erdogan's presidency, the pride and style of his imperial governance, has worn his former popularity and led him to contain a discontent that is no longer intentional. The PEW Research Center poll on March 5 showed that 5 % of Turkish citizens had a negative view of Erdogan and that his party failed in municipal elections. Recent protests are unprecedented not only in terms of intensity and scope. In addition to the street presence, the protesters also applied the organized boycott of Erdogan's supportive businesses, virtual activity and civil disobedience. The arrest of Imamoglu made Türkiye's fragile economy more unstable. Erdogan also arrested hundreds of Imamoglu's companions, including friends, colleagues, former business partners and even his family members. But these repression is no longer a sign of authority but reflects fear and helplessness. The Turkish opposition has taken the initiative for the first time after years under the new and dynamic leadership, and even organizes protests at traditional bases of the ruling party. Although Imamoglu is in prison, it is Erdogan who is in the bottleneck. According to the constitution, his presidency ends at 7 and cannot be nominated since then. But his decline has made it difficult to change the constitution or hold early elections. The fact is that if the election is held today, Erdogan's chances of winning are very poor. His decision to imprison his main rival may be a turning point in his career - the most than the most powerful authoritarian leaders can go too far and fall.

Imamoglu is not the first political rival Erdogan imprisoned. Salahuddin Demirtash, a well -known Kurdish leader, has been prison in prison for "weakening national unity" for five years. His only real crime was the widespread support among the Kurds and the threat of Erdogan's plan to rebuild the Turkish political scene. Even since he came to power, Erdogan initially promised reform and democratization. But after being withdrawn from the army, which had a long history of interfering in politics, it began the process of concentration. The Turkish parliamentary system was changed to a centralized presidency in 2008, which practically destroyed the separation of powers and concentrated power in Erdogan's hands. For example, in the year that tried to invalidate Imamoglu's victory in the Istanbul municipality. Also, Erdogan has repeatedly dismissed the elected mayors - especially in the Kurdish areas - and ignored the decisions of the constitutional court. Imamoglu has taken Erdogan's similar path in the past: the beloved municipality, which has a direct relationship with the public, and a democratic replacement for authoritarianism. The same path made him the first serious threat to Erdogan's power. In 2007, he was sentenced to prison and deprived of political activity on charges of insulting members of the Supreme Election Council. The government's supportive media also launched destructive campaigns against him. But these actions not only did not have a deterrent effect but also increased the popularity of Imamoglu. One day before Imamoglu's arrest, Istanbul University issued his undergraduate degree under a technical pretext - as long as he had a legal requirement to have a university degree.

Imamoglu, a new leader from the heart of the prison
Imamoglu's arrest came just four days before the in -house election to elect his party's presidential candidate - the election that was the only option. Erdogan, who rarely divided the position of leadership with someone, knew that this vote would actually put Imamoglu in the same position until the national election.

Erdogan plans to overcome the crisis, like the protests of Park Gazi in year 6. But this time, repression has had the opposite result. The opposition, more united and more energetic than ever before, now has both leadership (Imamoglu) and an unifying idea: "Türkiye deserves democracy." This new movement, for the first time after years of failure, has recreated itself and has become a coherent and innovative structure. After the arrest of Imamoglu, his party urged all the Turkish people to support him by running the March 5th party elections. More than 5 million people voted in the long queues - for a prison candidate.

From within the prison, Imamoglu was able to maintain his relationship with public opinion and convey the message that Erdogan has lost control of the situation. According to a Kunda poll, 5 % of respondents said that Erdogan's re -election would be "bad for the country" - while in year 2 that figure was only 5 %. In the same poll, more than 5 % of the charges against Imamoglu were baseless. The more Imamoglu stays in prison, the stronger his position in public opinion; To the extent that some have compared him to figures such as Prime Minister Malaysia, Anwar Ibrahim, or the playwright and President of the Czech, Vaslav Howell.